Wednesday, October 3, 2012

Policing by Extra Judicial Killings


Some subjects were off limits. You did not speak about them. One would avoid writing or discussing about 'Police Encounters'. Times have changed and Faisal Ali Raja a young officer of Police service of Pakistan has not only spoken but produced a well researched paper on the subject. These extra judicial killings serve no purpose except criminalizing police. I hope that the subject will be discussed and the officers will refuse to give a short cut to the impatient rulers who do not believe in the rule of law and any policy based on illegal orders will be resisted by the police leadership.

Policing by Extra Judicial Killings
By Faisal Ali Raja
Abstract
The study focuses on carrying out an analytical view of the inhuman practices of Punjab Police whereby it controls crime in disturbed districts/regions of the province by staging encounter killings. Hypotheses have been developed, as part of our strategy, to specify basic premises on account of available narratives and official verbalizations. We have also tried to explain the imprint of these acts of human rights violations on the crime pattern of Gujranwala region over a period of five years (2007-2011). A graphical analysis on basis of available data is also used to explain and elaborate the spillover effects of these illegal, unlawful and supra judicial measures. In the end, the results deduced from the analysis are applied to Capital City District, Lahore in order to see its validity and authenticity. Contrary to the conventional police discourse, the analysis clearly indicates a positive correlation between encounter killings and crime against person but crime against property bears no relationship with extra judicial killings at all. Whereas, judicial investigations of police encounters have a negative correlation with crime against person.The public attitude also gets influenced by policing pattern and resultantly high rate of mob violence and brutality are observed in recent years especially in those districts/regions where incidents of police encounters are relatively higher than other parts of the province.    
Key words: policing, encounter killings, vigilantism, dacoity, monopoly
From the onset it is important to draw a distinction between justified or lawful police encounters and extra judicial killings. The former is the set practice, within the ambit of police functions everywhere, whereby a police officer, in the line of duty, feels, under the given circumstances, that he or she has no other option for self defense than to shoot down the criminals. Whereas the latter is purely an engineered way of eliminating individuals, involved in illegal activities or not, through reconstruction of artificial circumstances thus providing legal cover to their actions. Amnesty International Report 2003 on Extra Judicial Killings says,” Extra judicial killings are killings which can reasonably be assumed to be the result of a policy at any level of government to eliminate specific individuals as an alternative to arresting them and bringing them to justice. These killings take place outside any judicial framework[1].
The First Information Report (FIR) of these horrendous acts are lodged in various forms and degrees namely custodial shootings whereby culprits are shown as assailants on police party, killing of miscreants in a shootout with locals while fleeing from the crime scene, criminals killed by the retaliatory firing of their accomplices/aides, registering cases of murder against unknown person(s) on account of discovering unknown dead bodies or instances in which police directly nominates a person who affects his escape successfully after having engaged law enforcement agency. This paper is primarily concerned with first type of documented FIRs, one of the fabricated methods of eliminating criminals, which is in contravention to Human Rights Conventions[2] and basic rights of the citizens of State as envisioned in the Constitution of Pakistan[3]. The key questions raised, in the form of two hypotheses, determine the general parameters and scope of the study.
The first hypothesis, for our study, is based on conventional police narratives which pivot around a particular organizational behavior, espoused by nearly all Police Commanders, as an easy way to control crime and maintain public order. The second hypothesis is a conjecture focused on the high rate of collective & individual violence in society in recent years. The extreme insensitivities exhibited during the social violence have now become a part of our culture. Do police actions play a positive role in collective anger, frustration and impatience as expressed by rioters in UK in 2011[4]? This we want to explore and determine in our second hypothesis. These hypotheses are as under:
§  Hypothesis 1:
Our basic premise is that there exists a correlation between extra judicial killings and crime against person & property. This premise has been developed on the basis of police working in the province and methods employed by “effective district/regional police officers”. The general assumption is that police encounters are an effective tool to bring down heinous crime. The cases of kidnapping for ransom, murder, dacoity and robbery[5] are often flashed during crime meetings which showed a decreasing trend in face of high percentage of encounter killings.  Nonetheless, no one has ventured to analyze the exact relationship between extra judicial killings and crime. Therefore the first question is; whether there happens to be any equivalence between extra judicial killings and district or regional crime? The other aspect of these killings relates to judicial probes. Does the intervention of local courts into such incidents have any bearing on the general crime or not? In other words, can a active judiciary, cognizant of the human rights violations in district or region, hamstring police from stepping out of its administrative and legal functions or not? We have selected Gujranwala Region[6] as our sample since it registers the highest number of encounters for last five years. Our focus will be limited to five heads of crime – namely – kidnapping for ransom, murder, attempted murder, dacoity & robbery, on the basis of available data of registered cases for years 2007-11. The results construed from the analysis are then applied to Capital City District Lahore which indicates the second highest police encounters during the same period.
§  Hypothesis 2: 
Over the years, in Punjab, the public demonstrations against police have been on the rise. The statistics of year 2010-11 show that out of more than 700 such instances nearly 15% were directed against the Police Department.  The natural question which comes to mind – in relation to encounter killings – revolves around the impact of these killings on behavioral pattern of the people. Are police encounters connected with social behavior? In what way the social attitudes are transformed due to such extreme measures of the police department? Do police encounters produce barbarity in society frequently being depicted in form of vandalism and mob violence? These three questions structure the second hypothesis which we will try to answer in our paper. The social savagery is explained on basis reports of Special Branch, Punjab and news clippings appearing in leading news papers like Dawn & The News.
EXTRA JUDICIAL KILLINGS, ITS LOGIC & IMPLICATIONS
Society, in its composition and constitution, is a wide array of different human beings belonging to various classes, sects & groups, who endorse a social contract under which they live together within the boundaries of a geographical area. The main binding factors, which hold the society together, include mutual dependence and concept of modern state whereby latter works for the betterment and welfare of its people. The theory of social integration suggests that equal distribution of resources is sine qua non for social mobility and cohesion. Looking at the historical spectrum of Sub-Continent it becomes apparent that a paternalistic social order has always been encouraged and espoused by its rulers and patrons. With the advent of modern concepts of state in early nineteenth century, the British modified the state institutions, not on classical patterns but in way to control the population and keep the rebellious tendencies of local clans under check. Consequently, policing was introduced on basis of Irish Constabulary Model to instill fear among the people and collect maximum revenue from villages, districts and provinces. The repression exhibited by police became an instrument which shaped the norms & cultural trends in Indian Sub-Continent. The post independence era is also marked by the same notion whereby it has been considered expedient to use police, the tactical arm of state machinery, to curb social unrest in the country. Nonetheless, torturing the citizens and initiating encounter killings, under a new social contract, are more dangerous as it polarizes the society and increases the rate of social alienation which, in turn, can ultimately result into complete societal break-down. The fissures in society, arising out of these human rights abuses, can only be tackled through political maturity and far-sightedness rather than leaving it to the operational decision-making of law enforcement agencies which can neither exercise restraint nor exhibit caution when dealing with extreme law & order situations.          
Police encounters have been going on in Punjab for last twenty years now. These incidents got impetus in early 1990s, at the height of sectarian warfare between Sipa-e-Mohammad & Sipa-e-Sihaba, in the backdrop of attacks on religious congregations, places of worship and targeted killings across the province[7]. Many renowned police officers, at that time, felt that the only way to extinguish the sectarian fire, ripping apart the state administration, was through extra judicial killings of leaders of two main militant wings. The absence of any witnesses against the arrested members of these gangs further strengthened the conviction of police command to exterminate them in an unlawful manner. The idea also found currency in the political circles after the tragic plane crash of Pakistan’s President in the outskirts of Bahawalpur eliminating the military leadership, which engineered the Afghan War, in 1988[8]. By that time, many extremist groups who participated vociferously against Soviet aggression started carrying out independent operations within the borders of the country and moving away from the control & influence of Intelligence agencies & their contingent leaders.
The attitude of killing sectarian elements in Punjab, soon developed into one of the key features of Punjab Police whereby the officers & jawans participating in such acts of human rights violations were conferred generously with shoulder promotions, prized postings, gallantry medals and cash awards. According to the official correspondence between the Punjab Police & the Ministry of Interior in 2005, the total number of police encounters was 3,424 averaging nearly 150 instances annually over a period of fifteen years[9]. The ratio of police officials to suspects killed in such encounters was calculated to be 1:9 accordingly[10].
There are nonetheless three major flaws in this strategy, cultivated by police commanders and endorsed by the political leadership, namely the unintended consequences of unlawful brutal killings among the lower cadres of police, fragmentation & societal polarization and encroachment upon the mandate of other institutions especially the judiciary. The police has always been a flexible force unlike army, which follows clear SOPs (Standard Operating Procedures), and do not follow ritually the orders of its commanders. The instances of total submissions are also triggered by personality of police officers rather than the position they occupy. As the season of police encounters sets in a district it is impossible to control the behavior of lower subordinates who are tasked to execute the orders. The extreme barbarism attached with police encounters gradually seeps into the character of these police officials which often results into cold blooded murders of “softened criminals[11] as well. Its most glaring example took place in August 2010 in Sialkot where two criminals were publicly beaten to death in presence of police. The latter did not intervene as they thought it to be a policy coming from the senior police command in the region. The high sounding talks on attitudinal change in Police Culture were buried for ever among the constant shrieks of the two brothers when they were being crucified on the electric poles near the Rescue 1122 Headquarters on Duska-Sialkot Road. 
Traditionally, the society in Punjab is based on agrarian economy which has been undergoing slow transformation for last 10-15 years. The low percentage of annual rain water coupled with the continuous decrease in water flow in the five rivers has been contributing to this denature. The influx from the rural to urban areas is therefore on the rise as more and more people turn towards alternative means of income. As the competition among the potential job seekers increases so does the fragmentation and criminal activates in the urban centers. In Lahore, the average increase in crime rate hovers around 9-10% annually. The primary factor contributing to this rise is economic condition. The extra judicial killings not only add public distrust but are also viewed as a systematic favor to certain group/sect of the society. This police partiality can be seen in Karachi where killing of a member of a group in a police encounter is seen on behest of the other. The mechanism of transformation of brutality in the lower sections of society is an interesting phenomenon. As the police steps outside its administrative jurisdiction to replenish the gap in criminal justice system it hints towards an alternative course of action which belittles & demeans the stature and functions of court. Once the courts are bypassed and police assumes the role of an adjudicator a message of distrust is sent to the common person, our unit of social integration & control. This action is soon translated into a norm and develops, as a whole, among all members of society. Each aggrieved person looks towards police not for justice but to inflict necessary punishment on the aggressors, failing which the individual takes up the responsibility to himself and the process of social fragmentation starts in an abnormal way.
The common notion that such killings dampen the crime is also misleading since a number of factors are responsible for the overall crime stats of a district/region. The argument of using police for social reformation or societal control is also inimical to the basic functions of the organization since the force is neither trained for this job nor this function falls within its mandate. The logic behind this argument rests on creating a semblance of “controlled society” where police officials like holy warriors, infused with spiritual obligations, administer each function of society. In fact what we require is a constitution of “connected society” where political will transpires into a culture based on democratic, egalitarian, dynamic, cooperative & communicative values[12]. The close knit society diffuses once mass migration and economic downturn become a continuous phenomenon. The social solidarity gives way to individual or group survival in which highhandedness of police plays an important role. Whereas the social norms, entrenched into the socio-political environment, are a manifestation of state institutions and if any one of these institutions is marginalized then the whole structure of social order collapses.
The killings of criminals in fake encounters give rise to another phenomenon which can be referred to as “institutional monopoly over violence”[13]. There is abundant literature on violence and its use to control population for financial, administrational and perpetual domination of state. Once the state violence & its ownership are transferred at institution level, the formal management and structural connection between the two becomes fractured on its method & usage, which usually becomes an instrument of coercion & terror. No matter what type of political authority exists in a state, whether it is a democracy, dictatorship or a mixture of both, the institutional monopoly over violence always leads to more violence. The population sides with state institution not because they see any writ or authority therein but they feel it expedient to support & protect their interests under the method in which selective or spatial violence is being used. The public manipulate the monopoly of control over violence and use it for their benefit. The notion of gathering public support on the basis of these killings is therefore a misnomer.
The institutionalization of violence also adversely impacts the behavior of society. A policy coming from the state & its institutions, whether liked or hated by the people, leaves behind a similitude of guidance for the general public. These unlawful killings introduce a culture of intolerance on one hand and instill revenge without resorting to the legal course of action. In other words police brutality produces an atmosphere whereby each aggrieved person wants to avenge his misfortune personally and his confidence in the other state institutions keeps on eroding gradually. This is the basic notion why a citizen side with local police as it brings him immediate solace & comfort. Nonetheless, the tension between different groups in society constantly rises due to socio-economic elements and biased attitude of state institutions.
From an anthropological view point, state violence and its executions through institutions may bring congruence between functions of state and acts of brutality in the society[14]. It, in some cases, revives the notion of remaking the social order; nonetheless, at the same time it alienates a considerable segment of society. These estranged sections of society often vent their anger in form of collective violence against the state. According to the Special Branch report the highest number of incidents of mob violence took place in Gujranwala Region in 2011 after Lahore, the capital of Punjab[15].The logic of encounter killings which is claimed to represent acts in social rather than self defense is, therefore, not plausible[16].   
The real malaise in Police Department rests with the investigation staff. Though there are short-comings in operational wing of Punjab Police but the onus of responsibility of police failure lies with the investigation branch. In order to hide the inefficiency of investigation, police ultimately resort to extra judicial killings of criminals. In a letter by Government of Bengal to India in 1901, Sir John Woodburn, says,” In no branch of the Administration in Bengal is improvement so imperatively required as in the police. There is no part of our system of government of which such universal and bitter complaint is made, and none in which, for the relief of the people and the reputation of Government, is reform in anything like the same degree so urgently called for. The evil is essentially in the investigating staff. It is dishonest and it is tyrannical[17]”. Two factors can be cited as the principal causes of dismal performance of investigation branch; one, inability of police command to foresee the importance of investigation who keeps on emphasizing upon control of crime rather than its detection. Second, ineptitude and lethargy of investigators who fail to collect proper evidence and corroborate the same in case diaries.

METHODOLOGY FOR DATA ANALYSIS
Our data comprises of five variables of crime (kidnapping for ransom, murder, attempted murder, dacoity & robbery) and two other variables namely encounter killings and judicial probes. The data has been collected from the Regional Investigation Branch (Gujranwala) and Crime Branch, Punjab, our primary source for data collection. Simple graphical method, with the help of available tools, has been used to establish correlation between encounter killings and crime. The tables also indicate percentage increase/decrease of each variable so as to determine a positive, negative or no correlation at all. We have tried to establish two types of relationships among the variables. The first, defines the interaction between encounter killings & crime. The second shows impact of judicial probes on encounter killings & crime. We have taken year 2007 as our base line for comparing encounter killings and crime with respect to it. The concept of base line has given us opportunity to see the overall impact of encounters on our crime variables. No other assumptions have been made in the analysis.    

DATA ANALYSIS      
The data indicates that in majority of cases (2007-12*) no judicial probe was sought by police command to justify their killing spree in Gujranwala region. The data on encounter killings along with crime against person (Kidnapping for Ransom, Murder & Attempted Murder) & property (Dacoity & Robbery) are indicated in Tables 1 and 2 respectively.
   
Data on Police Encounters in Gujranwala Region (2007-12*)
Year
Police Encounters
Judicial Enquiries
Cases Registered
Conviction
2007
58
23(39%)
01
-
2008
69(16% +)
26(37%)
02
-
2009
69(0%)
34(49%)
02
-
2010
65(6% -)
35(53%)
-
-
2011
30(116% -)
06(20%)
-
-
2012*
19
05(26%)
-
-
Total
312
129 (40%)
05 (3.8%)
-
(TABLE 1) The data has been taken from the office of Regional Crime Branch, Gujranwala
Year
Crime Against Person
Crime Against Property

Kidnapping for Ransom
Murder
Attempted Murder
Robbery
Dacoity
2007
58
993
1367
2303
242
2008
50(16% -)
1038 (5% +)
1322 (3% -)
2402 (4%+)
280 (15%+)
2009
36(44% -)
963   (7% -)
1174 (11% -)
2425 (1%+)
306 (9%+)
2010
32(12.5% -)
1003 (3% +)
1132 (4% -)
2981 (23%+)
292 (4% -)
2011
24(33.3% -)
1064 (6% +)
1176 (4% +)
3627 (21%+)
379 (29%+)
2012*
9
403
473
1309
129
(TABLE 2) The data has been taken from Crime Branch, Punjab
The data clearly indicates that out of 312 cases of police encounters only 40% were referred to District & Session judges in Gujranwala region for judicial enquiries leaving nearly 60% without any judicial intervention. Whereas out of 129 cases, sent for judicial probe, nearly 4% were termed as illegal or extra judicial leading to the registration of FIRs against police officials. Here it is pertinent to mention that Police ascribes those cases for judicial investigation where either it feels retaliation from the relatives of person killed or where the incident becomes politicized or exposed due to direct/indirect media intervention. Keeping these attributes in mind the actual cases of judicial referral may even drop below 20 percent. A correlation can be established between the number of judicial probes and crime against person. Higher the judicial investigations in cases of police encounters lower are the number of incidents in which people are killed on multiple reasons.
Table 1 indicates lowest number of judicial legworks occurred in 2007, 2008 & 2011 and correspondingly the cases of murders are highest in those years as shown in Table 2. The murder cases registered against police officials often results into compromise either through unofficial payment of exorbitant amount to the family of the victim or on account of official payment of “Diyat” or blood money[18] as stipulated under Islamic Shariah Law.
Table 1 also displays an increase of 16% in encounter killings in 2008 which remains stable in 2009 and then abates in the following years; finally it touches the lowest level in year 2011 when it declines to almost 116% percent. The kidnapping for ransom shows a decrease with different rates throughout the period from 2007-11. The murder rate improves initially in 2008 but then it drops a bit and comes back to its initial value. The attempted murder dips considerably in 2008-10 but then escalates slightly. Whereas dacoity & robbery both cumulate throughout the period except in 2010 when dacoity ebbs marginally. If we take 2007 as our base year then the number of encounters remains above the base line till 2011 when it drops below 58. The murders, dacoity & robbery remain above the base lines throughout the period except kidnapping for ransom & attempted murder which depreciates by 8 and 52 percent with respect to year 2007.    
The three major crime heads – namely murder, dacoity and robbery have different correlations with encounter killings. Murder has a positive while robbery & dacoity bear no relationship with encounter killings. Whereas attempted murder & kidnapping for ransom produce a positive relationship. The number of judicial probes conducted in a year into extra judicial murders has a negative effect on murder and attempted murder. The percentage increase of these probes from succeeding years has reduced attempted murders and stabilized murder rates.
(Graph No 1) Relationship between encounter killings & crime
Thus following results can be deduced on basis of interpretation of available data on crime & police encounters in Gujranwala:
§  Result 1:
There is a direct correlation between judicial probe and crime against person. Greater the judicial interventions in encounter killings fewer are the incidents of murders, attempted murders and hurt cases in the region/district. In other words strict judicial monitoring of the incidents of police encounters will definitely control the brutality in the society. The query, in first hypothesis, which explores the relationship between judicial inquiries and crime, therefore, establishes a significant correlation between them. 

§  Result 2:
No parallels can be drawn between encounter killings and crime against property. In fact, a steep rise in cases of robbery and dacoity is observed during the periods of high rate of encounters (above the base line). It also points towards the fact that crime against property is perhaps linked to some other variables such as economic situation, rate of unemployment and population migration rather than encounters committed by police in name of social defense.

§  Result 3: 
Police encounters, on the basis of available data from Special Branch, indicate that an upward trend in mob violence and vigilantism is observed in 2009-11.The scores of people arrested on account of vandalism in Gujranwala in June 2012 indicated, when interviewed by local media, humiliating search methods of local police incited their emotions during the protests[19].  
To test these results, we take up the data on crime & police encounters in Capital City District Lahore[20] for 2007-2012*. Table 3 indicates the volume of police encounters during the years under review:
Data on Police Encounters in Capital City District Lahore (2007-12*)
Year
Police Encounters
Judicial Enquiries
Cases Registered
Conviction
2007
31
27(87%)
01
-
2008
65(52% +)
48(74%)
-
-
2009
62(4% -)
38(61%)
-
-
2010
58(6% -)
34(58%)
-
-
2011
42(38% -)
20(47%)
01
-
2012*
35
13(37%)
-
-
Total
293
180 (62%)
02 (1.1%)
-
(Table 3) Data has been taken from Crime Branch, Punjab
Table 4 gives the overall picture of the crime against person & property during the same period as indicated below:
Year
Crime Against Person
Crime Against Property

Kidnapping for Ransom
Murder
Attempted Murder
Robbery
Dacoity
2007
51
576
937
3748
148
2008
55(7.2% +)
612
914
4556
218
2009
35(36% -)
602
832
4590
241
2010
51(31% +)
627
1027
4691
256
2011
51(0%)
683
889
4988
273
2012*
16
300
411
1309
129
(Table 4) The data has been taken from Crime Branch, Punjab
1.       The years, in which higher number of judicial probes is conducted, the cases of murders & attempted murders are lowest correspondingly. It can be seen easily that in 2007, 2008 & 2009 the judicial inquiries in police encounters are greatest and resultantly the crime against person is lowest in these years. Interestingly, with the increase in judicial probes the number of encounter killings also increases which is contrary to what we have established in case of Gujranwala region.  The effect of these fluctuations on kidnapping for ransom is also unclear. Such instances increase as extra judicial killings enhance but it does not decrease with a fall in encounter killings. This also negates our result that encounter killings have a negative correlation with kidnapping for ransom. Perhaps, some other extraneous factors are responsible for the sharp or moderate increase/decrease of cases of kidnapping for ransom.

2.       Furthermore, encounter killings remain above its base line (year 2007) throughout the period under review and do not drop below 32. The impact on kidnapping for ransom is weakest as such instances comeback to the original base line. Murders, dacoity and robbery remain above their respective base lines throughout the period. Thus encounter killings have a negative correlation with murder, dacoity & robbery; but it registers no effect on kidnapping for ransom.    

3.       The Special Branch Report, 2011 indicates that incidents of mob violence in which property was looted, damaged or torched were highest in Lahore & Gujranwala[21]. The number of officers injured during such clashes also peaked in these two policing areas.


CONCLUSION
The practice of extra judicial killings, a concept still in vogue in Punjab, for controlling crime is deeply rooted in the constitution of policing model in Sub-Continent. The similar pattern of attitude & behavior can easily be seen in police organizations of other South Asian countries like India, Nepal & Sri Lanka. Interestingly all these countries have been fighting insurgencies in parts of their geographical dispensation having various underlying reasons. Nonetheless, the attitude of state and its institutions towards their citizens; and the structural connection between them can be bracketed with only one theme namely “repression”. The state repression when transferred to its institutions at national or sub-national level, for maintenance of Public Order, often results into encroachment on the jurisdiction of other institutions. The data analysis clearly shows that no set relationship can be established between encounter killings & kidnapping for ransom, a clear negation of oft held belief that clean surgical eliminations of kidnappers reduce its incidence. Nonetheless, encounter killings do have a positive relationship with murder and attempted murder. On the flip side, judicial interventions do curb crime and have a negative correlation with it. This also indicates that our first hypothesis is partially correct. The number of people arrested on account of vandalism and lootings say that police behavior plays an important role in resorting to violence, a clear indication of behavioral change due to policing pattern in Punjab. Our second hypothesis therefore stands corrected and vindicated.  
As Police violates law of land and abuses human rights, in name of establishing writ of the government, societal fabric, a delicate equilibrium of human relations developed over generations, is disturbed in an abnormal fashion. This abnormality often translates into public distrust, mob violence and struggle for survival of certain group(s). In its acute form, it may appear in shape of movement and if the movement is properly organized and regimented it often acquires the form of an insurgency. The latter may be an interesting research topic for future study.       


[1] Israel & Occupied Territories: Israel Must Put an Immediate End to the Policy & Practice of Assassinations (Amnesty International, July 2003)
[2] The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was framed in the back drop of World War II for preventing any such human catastrophe in future, especially the systematic elimination of Jews in Germany. It consists of 30 articles and became International Law after sufficient number of states ratified it in 1976. Many regional human rights treaties and covenants are based on this document. Pakistan is signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948. Articles 1,3,5,6 & 7 clearly denounce extra judicial killings since these are carried out without invoking the provisions of law and negating the established principles of equality & fair play.  
[3] The articles (8-28), Chapter II of Constitution of Pakistan, specifically deal with the Fundamental Rights .Article 9 of the chapter states “No person shall be deprived of life or property save in accordance with law”. Therefore, killings of citizens of state, whether involved in crime or not, through such method, in violation of law, is not permissible.
[4] Reading the Riots, London School of Economics 2011
[5] Pakistan Penal Code defines distinction between Robbery & Dacoity. The latter may not be present in the western vocabulary nonetheless it points out the difference in terms of number of offenders involved in crime against property. If five or more than five persons deprive someone of cash, property or any valuables under intimidation or forcefully then it falls within the ambit of Dacoity otherwise it’s a Robbery. Sections 395 & 392 explain its contours in PAKISTAN PENAL CODE.
[6] Gujranwala Region comprises of six districts, Gujranwala, Sialkot, Narowal, Gujrat, Mandi Baha-u-Din & Hafizabad. The region is overwhelmingly rural though rapid industrialization has given some districts, like Sialkot, Gujrat and Gujranwala, an urban touch.  The total population of Gujranwala Region was estimated to be 11 million in 2009. The total area of the region is approximately equal to 3,198 square kilometers. The District Gujranwala is the fifth largest district of Punjab.
[7] Pakistan Assessment Report, Vol 4, 1999 (Country Information & Policy Unit)
[8] Pakistan’s Sectarian Violence: Between “Arabist Shift” & Indo-Persian Culture (Suroosh Irfani)
[9] Extra Judicial Executions in Pakistan: Killing with Impunity (Human Rights Commission of Pakistan,2005, Asad Jamal)
[10] Ibid
[11] The term applies where the person, killed in police encounter, has either no previous criminal record or a nominal record 
[12] Why America is Polarized (Steve Walker, 2005)
[13] Stathis N. Kalyvas in “The Logic of Violence in Civil War” draws conceptual distinction (a) between violence & violent conflicts (b) between violence in “times of peace” and violence in “times of war” (c) between different types of violence based on intersection of two criteria. I have tried to conceptualize ‘violence in times of peace’ by employing the structural relationship between State and its institutions at national or sub-national level. The violence produced unilaterally must therefore be synonymous with State repression or political control, exercised and maneuvered through its law enforcement or intelligence agencies. The manner, in which formulation of a policy, based on terror, and its broader contours, is shared by commanders of national or sub-national organizations like Police, is an interesting phenomenon. This mutually shared position of State & Police in unleashing terror on the citizens, for controlling law & order in disturbed areas, makes the institutional working questionable and doubtful. The impact of such policies generates reactions, sometimes meek but at times sparked with emotionalism, ethnic identity or group identity. Hardly ever, it has been studied with a view to see its ramifications on existing norms i.e civilized behavior, passive actions, democratic standards, social propriety etc. for mob behavior, ethnic vexations, group insurrections, sectarian fall outs and class struggles. My position is that police culture and social patterns are not mutually exclusive in fact a kind of dependence and compatibility exist between them. Both influence each other but in different manner and degrees. The overall result, in the end, paves way for social disintegration and polarization.     
[14] Anthropology in the margins of State (Das & Pool, 2006)
[15] Additional IGP, Special Branch Briefing, March 2012
[16] Law & Order: Police encounter killings & routinized political violence (Beatrice Jauregui)
[17] The Police Commission Report, 1903
[18] Understanding Qisas and Diyat Laws :It is the common Islamic position, closely held by many scholars of Islam, however, that modern conception of citizenship makes the state an heir.The most sinister use of this ordinance has been in honour killing cases where a brother or other such male member kills a female relative and is then let off the heirs of his victim. This misuse of Islamic provisions has never offended the sensibilities of our ulema and scholars. They have also never lent any thought to the fact that the law protects, inevitably, the rich who can pay and lets go the poor who cannot. If the state was to assume its rightful responsibility as the heir or at least widen the scope of tazeer – a position that cannot be said to violate Islamic law- to still imprison murderers guilty of qatl-e-amd. Section 310 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) gives wali (heir) of a victim of qatl-e-amad to compound qisas, a right to demand “death” for such murderer. The value of diyat is given under Section 323 of the PPC, which reads “the Court shall, subject to the injunctions of Islam as laid down by the Holy Quran and Sunnah and keeping in view the financial position of the convict and the heirs of the victim, fix the value of diyat which shall not be less than the value of thirty thousand six hundred and thirty grams (30,630 grams) of silver. (Yasir Hamadani, Friday Times, 25 March, 2011)
[19] Rioters blame Police , DAWN 22 June, 2012
[20] Lahore is a metropolitan City, Capital of Punjab, having a population of approximately 11 million. The in/out flux of people in the city is perhaps greatest in the province. While analyzing the total mob violence we need to differentiate between demonstrations staged & conducted by the locals and aliens or residents and non-residents of the city.    
[21] 22 cases of property-damage in Gujranwala were reported against 24 in Lahore. Eight police officers sustained multiple injuries in Lahore as compared to seven in Gujranwala during these demonstrations.